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Then put them in a the cross found on the pallium was held by three pins, as customary, and leaden box, then in another box. It is my assu1nption that the preparation of the labeled somewhat suspicious, especially during plague years. Clement's papal body did not change much between the thirteenth and fourteenth fifth biographer tells us that 'Clement, having held the papacy for ten centuries. The entire span of times covered and submerged [drowned] his heart, he died suddenly. Thus the body had to be preserved, at the and third biographers mention that his burial took place the day after longest, for this span of time.

But in reality most popes were buried a his death, on 7 December. Still, it is worthwhile asking if the arrival of deathbed confession in December , a year before he actually died. Could we surmise a practical signif stantial The escaping the decaying papal body and offending the noses of mourners scribe noted that on 7 December Peter of Frigidavilla, the administra- Evidence is scant, but it is still interesting to note that the most accute tor of the almshouse, received pounds to give to the poor on the discussion of medieval embalming is found in Guy de Chauliac, the sur- day Clement's body was carried to the church for his burial.

In addi- tion, on 7 Decen1ber, Johannes de Seduno, the pope's aln1oner, received geon of the plague. In addition, another question must be asked: Similarly, the master freeze and stop this practice we know it existed before its arrival or of the wax received rei1nbursement for his expenses during the funeral, accelerate its spread? In sum, was the stuffing of all body cavities reco1n- dated December.

A scribe also cared to note r'hat a preventing bad air from contaminating the attendants at the funerals? Or smith had been paid to seal Clement's coffin shut-'pro ferrando cassam was embalming simply part of the transition of the double persona of the szve archam, in qua reposittts est d. Clemens papa VI, 20 ft-while he laid the Chapelle Neuve of the papal palace before his burial in Avignon pope, mortal in his human body, but preserved for a few days so people could see that a pope like all humans died but remained immortal in his cathedral.

A way of testing the relationship between plague and a pope, I am now 'vondering if the epide1nic did not rewrite Clement's embalming is to look at what happened to the body of the pope of the funerary script. According to the pope's biographers as edited of Albert of Strasbourg, we note that the chronicler states that after by Etienne Baluze, when Clement died on 6 December the funeral Cle1nent's death his body vvas covered with lime to destroy the flesh in took place at Notre-Dame des Dams, and he remained there until he order to be exhumed and reburied at Chaise Dien: Vhile Cle1nent VI, ironically a n1an who thrived on po1np and Vi1ho his actual funeral, his reburial allowed making up for lost ritual.

People thought of himself as 'the pope who knew how to be pope', was buried never saw his face unveiled during the monstrance, but the procession son1evvhat like a commoner. So1ne ten years after Clen1cnt's hasty ritual, that accompanied his reburial to Chaise-Dieu resembled the typical papal on 12 September records show that a certain Johannes G. Masses were sung throughout the days. The casket was then the height of the plague even the pope's household was conscious of carried to the Cathedral of Notre-Dame des Doms on the first day of the the danger caused by an infected body even if Clement did not die of novena, which ended with his inhumation on 22 September at the the plague and remained suspicious enough to rewrite the script of Charterhouse of Villeneuve-Ifs-Avignon.

Expenses covered the various the pope's funeral, going as far as covering his body in lime to hasten cloths necessary for the staff's mourning garb, funerary expenses, and his decomposition.

Late medieval scientists looked beyond the 'god's the alms distributed to the various orders of the city, almshouses, hos- wrath' approach to the disease, even accepting the latter premise did pitals, and the poor on the day the cortege transported the body from not preclude studying its physical manifestation. Among various theo- Notre-Dan1e to Villeneuve.

As Rosemarie Horrox explains VI. The cortege that accompa- its substance-the mixing of air with corrupt or poisonous vapours which when inhaled would have a detri1nental effect on the hun1an body. The pro- they differed was in the explanations they gave for the corruption. Everyone agreed that the air could be poisoned bv of S. Lorenzo in Damaso; Guillaume de la Jugie, Cardinal Deacon of rotting matter, including dead bodies, or by excrement or stagnant water.

Medieval pubhc health and sanitation actually d'Aigrefeuille, Cardinal of S. Still, the correge was erally assumed; anything that putrefied and rotted was usually ordered not as numerous as the forty-four figures that surrounded the pope's removed from public sight and smell to prevent contagion while aromat- tomb at La Chaise-Dieu, representing the kin and friends that Clement ics offered a preventive.

Anything aromatic from the burning of incense had supported during his reign. A warm or hot body favored aerial pen- medieval plague legislations that enforced quarantines and ejected per- etration thus behavior also needed to be accommodated and exertion ceived 'polluted' bodies from their urban perimeters in fact understood avoided.

Was the papal court at touching, in the manuals There is no doubt that than to direct physical contact'. After all, Clement requested the presence of Guy de Chauliac one As Carole Rawcliffe has recently demonstrated in her magisterial of the most renown physicians of his time, at his court. Clement was an Urban Bodies, 'the conviction that epidemics spread through the medium educated pope who read what was called 'natural philosophy', or natu- of polluted air re1nained unshaken until the reign of Queen Victoria', and ral sciences.

He was not, for his era, a religious 'obscurantist'. And he precipitated sanitary n1easures in most medieval cities. Avignon and its administration also understood in the air entering the hu1nan beings, son1ething that was transported the concept of infection. Like many European cities, it enacted through- by contact with persons and things, and an organism like a wor1n in out the period sanitary regulations that aimed at pron1oting urban fishes.

For his entourage, even the pope re1nained a n1an, and his decom- posing body's emanations and secretions could trans1nit the disease. As said above 1 air spread and contagion can no longer be con- the shock of the first onslaught of the disease passed, traditions and pro- sidered as contradictory views of the diffusion of pestilence 1 but rather as tocol fell back into place.

The death of a pope could be honored with a reterring to two different and successive stages of its disse1nination, the air showing of his body, corrupted or not. Perspectives practices during epidemics would lead eventually to the most brutal- from Pre-modern Societies, Lawrence I. Ashgate, , p. Contagion in Premodern Isla1nic and in the plague.

Johns Hopkins University Press, , p.

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Green 1 'Editor's Introduction' in Pandemic Disease in the of entrance into minor and n1ajor orders because too inany clergy1nen Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death. The Medieval Globe vol. Arc Medieval Press, , p. Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparurn avenionensium, p. Green, 'Editor's Introduction', p. Eulalia Subiri de Galdicano, and Clara J3. The Medieval Globe, vol. Lessons from History and Archeology' in Green, ed. Nee debent indui uestibus co1nmunibus 1 prout in Italia fit; et ut Routledge, ; Ole J.

Brepols, , lib. Routledge, , pp. Les hommes, la mort et la religion dans la rCgion See also Marc Dyk1nans, Le ctfrimonialpapal de la fin du moyen dge a d Avignon la Jin du moyen dge,vers vers Rome: Ecole fran- a la renaissance: Les textes avignonnais jusqu. Skip to content Free download. See the full gallery.

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